Abysmal situation in the Indian held territory of Jammu and Kashmir (IHK) has always been a cause of grave concern for the world because of continued deterioration of political and human rights conditions and large-scale violence being used by New Delhi as a means to stifle dissent in the region. However, India’s 5th August 2019 action had further exacerbated the rights situation pushing the troubled region deeper into a quagmire of reckless violence and lawlessness. Since then the region, in particular, the valley of Kashmir had been reeling under new spate of vicious violence. There has been enormous increase in the atrocities and incidents of state-terrorism; Despite India’s lofty claims of so-called normalcy, extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests and detentions, and persecution of leading political activists, traders, dissident journalists, rights activists and members of civil society continue unabated in the region where forced disappearances and fake encounters are not just rampant but are done with impunity.
In the
past two years (2019 to 2020) hundreds of people have lost their lives during
the reckless violence unleashed by the Indian state. In the meantime vandalism
and destruction of hundreds of civilian properties have also been reported; According
to reports over 1008 houses have been destroyed by the military during cordon
and search-operations in the valley. Whereas, 350 people have been killed by
Indian forces’ personnel since 5th August 2019 and of those 41 were killed in
police custody, whereas, 14636 civilians have been arrested by the Indian
authorities in a bid to enforce complete silence in the region. Essential fundamental freedoms including the
peoples’ right to freedom of speech and expression, the right to freedom of
assembly, the right to peaceful protest and gathering remain largely suspended
in Kashmir, even today. Hundreds of
political leaders have been detained under the draconian such as Public Safety
Act, AFSPA, UAPA and other black laws. Whereas, notorious investigation agencies
like NIA and ED are being used as a tool to terrorize NGOs, journalists in
particular human rights activists so as to prevent them from reporting truth
about what is happening on the ground in Kashmir.
Nonetheless,
the simmering situation in the held territory evoked a sharp criticism from the
international community. Besides the UN’s top body (OHCHR), the rights groups
from across the world raised alarm over the fast deteriorating situation in the
territory urging Indian government to stop gross human rights violations
committed by its forces against Kashmiris. On August 15, 2019, just one week
after Indian government revoked article 370, Genocide Watch, issued a Genocide
Alert for Kashmir calling upon the United Nations and its members to warn India
not to commit genocide in occupied Kashmir. In October 2020, the UN High
Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, voiced concerns over
shrinking space for civil society organizations urging the Government of India
to safeguard the rights of human rights defenders and NGOs.
The Forum
for Human Rights in J&K, an independent body co-chaired by former Supreme
Court judge Justice Madan B. Lokur and former Kashmir interlocutor Radha Kumar,
in its report, released early this year, on the rights situation in the IHK
said that “most violations continued even after 18 months” of abrogation of the
special status. The second report of the Forum covered the period from August
2020 to January 2021.
Two years later, the situation in the restive region continues
to deteriorate; there has been no respite, whatsoever, in the state
sponsored-violence. The policy of discrimination, denial and dehumanization,
schism, persecution and extermination on the part of Indian government has led
to immense increase in human rights violations of the civilian population,
including harassment, molestation, detention and the use of excessive and
indiscriminate force.
On one hand New Delhi has been using its repressive state
apparatus to eliminate Kashmiri youth while on the other it unleashed a
well-thought out imperialist plan that seeks to forever change the political
nature of the Kashmir dispute through demographic changes, political
maneuverings, and administrate machinations.
It is
worth to recall here along with the abrogation of article 370 the BJP
government that believes in Hindu-Rashtra has introduced a regime of new-laws
in Kashmir intended to; (a) pave a way for implementing its settler colonialism
agenda in Kashmir, (b) change the demographic complexion of the Muslim Majority
state, (c) erase social, political cultural and religious identity of the
people of Jammu and Kashmir, (d) convert Muslim majority Jammu and Kashmir into
a Hindu majority area, (e) settle
outsiders (non-Kashmiris) in the occupied territory, (f) eliminate the
Islamic culture to erode the foundations of the Kashmiri society (g) facilitate
a non-Muslim Indian influx into Kashmir.
For this purpose, the Indian government made sweeping changes
in state subject law that has been in force in Jammu and Kashmir since the day
it was first introduced by then Maharaja of Kashmir way back in 1927. Under the
new law, anyone who has resided in J&K for 15 years or has studied in the
state for seven years, and appeared in either the Class 10 or the Class 12 examination,
will be eligible for domicile certificates. As per the notification, this would
allow them to apply for gazetted and non-gazetted government jobs. The amendments in the Kashmir’s domicile law
was tantamount to open up floodgates for non-Kashmiris (Indians) to settle in
the disputed territory of Jammu and Kashmir state, which until August last year
had enjoyed special status under the Indian constitution.
REDEFINITION OF DOMICILE LAW: IMPACTS ON GROUND
Historically,
article 35-A that accorded special rights and privileges to the permanent
citizens of the state was the only constitutional provision that stood as a
strong barrier against Indian intrigues to bring material change in the region.
While this protection cover had already been done away with, now any Indian
national from any state can attain permanent resident certificate. The law, in
a way, paved a way for outsiders to get settled in the state permanently
besides enabling them to be the claimants of the already existing jobs in Jammu
& Kashmir, where unemployment rate is double than in any other Indian
states.
Under the
pretext of new law those outsiders who get jobs in the disputed territory of
Jammu and Kashmir will also claim the right to purchase land in the state.
It may be noted that since the day domicile law was changed
the authorities in Jammu and Kashmir had issued domicile certificates to
millions of non-Kashmiris. In February this year (2021) the Indian Minister of
State for Home, G K Reddy, in a written reply to a query, informed the Indian
Parliament that the authorities in Jammu and Kashmir have issued a total of
3,380,234 Domicile Certificates till 25 January 2021. The number of
certificates issued in a short period of time speaks volumes about the Indian
government’s sinister design to change the region’s demography just to achieve
its dream of Hindu-Rashtra, purely a Hindu state where there is no place for
other communities.
UNHRC RESPONSE TO INDIAN MACHINATIONS
The UN
Human Rights Commission termed changes in the Kashmir’s Domicile Law as
alarming. In a rapporteur issued by the UN Human Rights Council to the Indian
Government on February 10, 2021, the UNHRC noticed, these laws have clearly
simplified the process of handing out domicile to the subjects from outside the
region, with little or no scope of verification, while the minority subjects
from the region itself face difficulty.
“The new domicile rules are not only alarming because of the
diminishing rights of the natives of the region economically, there are high
chances of threat to the linguistic, cultural and religious rights of the
Kashmiri Muslim, Dogri, Gojri, Pahari, Sikh, Ladakhi and the other minorities”,
rapporteur said.
AMENDMENTS TO CIVIL SERVICES ACT
The
amendment to J&K civil services act was akin to an assault on the
fundamental rights people of Jammu and Kashmir. Changing the very composition
of act was tantamount to render Kashmiris jobless as after losing its special
status on August 5, 2019, Kashmir had become subject to the 67:33 rule, which means
that the number of positions available for Kashmir Administrative Service
officers would be reduced to just 33. Given its special constitutional status
the state of Jammu and Kashmir had earlier enjoyed 70:30 percent quota under
which 70% of the seats were allocated to Kashmiri state-subject holders and
only 30% of seats were reserved for IAS officers who were brought to Kashmir
from rest of the Indian states.
Besides providing leverage to the government to tighten its
grip on Kashmir, the move had changed the entire face of bureaucracy in Jammu
and Kashmir. The effects of the move could be seen on the ground as maximum
posts in the bureaucracy today are held by outsiders (non-Kashmiri civil
service officers). For instance Kashmir is right now ruled by a lieutenant
governor who hails from India’s Uttar Pradesh state. All 13 officers in his
secretariat are non-Kashmiris and non-Muslims. The chief of police and two
police heads of Kashmir and Jammu provinces are non-Muslims.
AMENDMENTS IN LAND LAWS
Similarly,
after the revocation of Kashmir’s autonomy, 12 major land laws which have been
either repealed or amended that included the Big Landed Estates Abolition
Act-1950, the Jammu and Kashmir Land Grants Act-1960, the Jammu and Kashmir
Alienation of Land Act-1938, the Jammu and Kashmir Agrarian Reforms Act-1976
and the Jammu and Kashmir Land Revenue Act-1996.
By
introducing massive amendments in these laws the Indian government virtually
laid down a foundation for settler-colonialism as anyone from outside J&K
can buy agricultural land. The most worrying change has been the amendments in
Jammu and Kashmir Development Act that gave sweeping powers to Indian Armed
forces to declare/notify any piece of land (agriculture or otherwise) in
Kashmir as “strategic areas for themselves. By virtue of this law the Indian
army can take possession of any land of choice in J&K after declaring it as
“strategic”.
Further
changes to land laws, which dealt exclusively with the sale and purchase of
land, have resulted in further erosion of political and economic rights of the
native people. Amendment to the Land Revenue Act on the other hand was
tantamount to putting Kashmir on sale. As per the new law anyone from outside
J&K can now buy agricultural land with the government’s permission for
commercial and other non-agricultural purposes.
“The real
object of the repeal of the basic land laws and massive amendments to the other
laws are to push in and implement the agenda of effecting demographic change
and disempowering the people of Jammu and Kashmir,” said the Gupkar Alliance,
an amalgam of “mainstream Kashmiri” political parties.
CHANGES IN THE STATE’S NOMENCLATURE
After the
loss of statehood Jammu and Kashmir, which enjoyed special status under article
370 of the Indian constitution for more than 70 years, has undergone a massive
political and administrative changes.
The
contentious Jammu and Kashmir Reorganization Act, approved by the Indian
parliament, became operational on Oct. 31 2019.
As a result the territory of Jammu and Kashmir under the Indian
occupation (IHK) was further bifurcated and demoted to two separate union
territories i.e. Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh. As per the new arrangement the
union territory of Jammu and Kashmir was entitled to have its assembly with
truncated powers. On the contrary union territory of Ladakh was deprived of
this right. Secondly the office of governor was reduced to lieutenant governor;
all laws passed by the Indian parliament will be applicable in the region; the
Indian Penal Code replaced the local Ranbir Penal Code of Jammu and Kashmir to
decide criminal cases; In addition to these drastic changes, over 710 laws were
repealed during the course of time in an attempt to further erode the
Kashmiris’ political identity.
Before August 5, 2019, the Indian occupied Jammu and Kashmir
had its own constitution and a bicameral assembly, a separate constitution and
a flag of its own. The state had a separate citizenship law that promised its
permanent residents special rights and privileges such as the right to owning
property; getting government jobs; receiving scholarships and other welfare
benefits. The law seized female citizens of the state of their property rights
in case they marry to a person who is not a permanent citizen of the state. It
also prohibited outsiders from permanently settling in Jammu and Kashmir,
buying land, holding local government jobs.
SOCIAL, CULTURAL AND RELIGIOUS ONSLAUGHT
Along
with the land and settler-colonialism policies and Kashmiris have witnessed
social, cultural and religious onslaught. Dismantling everything that symbolized
the Kashmiris’ identity for instance ending Urdu’s 131-year reign as the only
official language of Kashmir, including four other languages in the list of
official languages and according Hindi as a status of official language,
changing names of important buildings, roads and historical sites, and
rebuilding of over 50000 temples in the Kashmir valley and above all the
attempts to changing the political structure by wiping out the regional
parties speak volumes about the BJP
government’s nefarious designs to distort the region’s history and its
distinctive identity.
Tailpiece: The steps taken by the Government of India vis-à-vis
the disputed territory of Jammu and Kashmir bear all the hallmarks of a
neo-colonialist and imperialistic plan to marginalize Kashmiris, reducing them
to minority and seizing their land and resources owned by the state.
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